It is obvious that the programs described here could prove stressful to large segments of the population, which are already burdened with debt. To reduce the consequent tensions and also to buy time for reform , the president favors a program to write off penalties for overdue bank loans. This autumn the debts themselves will be forgiven. Governmental funds for procurement are wasted or stolen.
Citizens are saddled with illegitimate fees and payments. Decent people, with no one to whom to turn at the local level, address their complaints directly to the president and ministers.
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Rarely are responses forthcoming. To address these pathologies, the otherwise cautious Tokayev used his Address to the Nation to propose remedies that are strikingly radical. First, he announced that the number of civil servants will be cut by a quarter. Then, in a sharp break with past practice, he called for a thoroughgoing decentralization of the civil administration.
He also proposed that local governments at all levels be given more money from the central budget and, at the same time, be granted greater financial independence. How can these sharp changes be prevented from causing a descent into chaos? On the one hand, Tokayev declared that governors must henceforth assume greater responsibility, and at the same time be held strictly accountable for their actions.
What he does not do is to address the question of what happens when citizens organize themselves to pursue such complaints, or when they create political parties to push their demands at the regional or national level. He clearly accepts this possibility, however, and has spoken of a greater number of political parties in the lower house of parliament.
Does this reveal an iron hand in a silk glove? While one may hope that future civil society projects and parties will be similarly welcomed by the government, one must wonder what will happen when they are not. It is clear that the president dreams of a Kazakhstan that is united in deed and word. In the long term, Tokayev seeks to develop and spread the Kazakh language so that it can become the official language of inter-ethnic communications, with all Kazakh students also studying English.
Ethnic Russians now comprise only 20 percent of the population , a figure that is dropping due to high Kazakh birth rates and Slavic emigration. To this end, Kazakhstan has made major investments in its own roads, railroads, and ports. Afghanistan plays a particularly important role in this strategy as it is the key to transport to the Indian sub-continent and southeast Asia.
Few are aware of the fact that Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, as foreign minister, was the first Central Asian leader to venture into Afghanistan in after the fall of the Taliban and Kazakhstan was the first Central Asian country to open a trade mission in Kabul. It also meshes with the approach of the other Central Asian states, notably Uzbekistan. Indeed, never since independence have interactions between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan been closer or more positive, with ministers, experts, and business leaders interacting on a daily basis.
A new dry port is planned for the Kazakhstan-Uzbekistan border, which will further open up long-blocked channels of trade. Such thinking has led Tokayev to push for regular meetings of regional presidents, to endorse Afghanistan as an integral part of Central Asia, and to push for the demilitarization of the Caspian Sea at a time when Russia and Iran have reinforced their naval presence there.
Yet it is sobriety and caution rather than boldness or raw ambition that are the hallmarks of the new administration in Nur-Sultan. Tokayev, in his Address to the Nation, spoke bluntly about the fears that underlie his caution. Aware of these dangers, Tokayev has chosen a strictly top-down approach to reform.
On almost every issue it is the government and not society that is to take the initiative. Indeed, the new president seems to have worked out a governmental plan for every problem area, from investment to medicine to sports. Even the effort to control bureaucracy and corruption are assigned mainly to the state itself.
The alternative might be to call on society to monitor and constrain corrupt or ineffective bureaucrats. This is what President Shafkat Mirzioyev has done in Uzbekistan. Kazakhstan may have ample reasons to be cautious, but its step-by-step approach runs the danger of being overtaken by events. One factor mitigating against such a crisis is that the transition of leadership and policy in fact began several years before President Nazarbayev formally stepped down.
Those early moves included the first steps towards administrative decentralization and the strengthening of parliament. As a result, the new leadership had ample time to plan strategy, rank priorities, and assemble a team. Therefore neither new leader was caught unawares or unprepared. Since the Tokayev reforms are not directed against anyone in particular, major powers have no grounds for playing regional states against each other, as they have so often done in the past.
Indeed, countries that consider themselves friends of Kazakhstan should find ways to support the reform process, or at least not to impede it.
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By doing so they will be helping to unlock the biggest landlocked area on earth and to transform it from a zone of mutually hostile authoritarian states into region of modern, open, and self-governing societies. Read the full article at the Atlantic Council.
On October 2, S. The video of the event is available from the following link. Scroll down to watch the full recording of the event. Recent terrorist attacks in Istanbul, St. Svante E. Cornell and Michael Jonsson, eds. Conflict, Crime, and the State in Postcommunist Eurasia. University of Pennsylvania Press, Jeffry W. John C. Galina M. At the turn of and , events took place in parts of Chechnya that again challenged the triumphant statements of local pro-Moscow and federal authorities that the jihadist-inspired insurgency in this North Caucasian republic was eradicated.
Aside from illustrating the latent character of armed conflict in the region in general and in Chechnya in particular, the recent upsurge of violence in Chechnya contains particularities that may have far-reaching consequences.
checkout.midtrans.com/albuol-lugares-para-conocer-gente.php Central Asia has never ranked high on U. That is unlikely to change under the Trump Administration. Yet recent developments in Central Asia, particularly in Uzbekistan, do offer an opportunity to advance U. The two key countries in this possible opportunity for the U. China's gradually increasing economic role in Central Asia since the early s is unsurprising considering the region's geographic proximity to China's dynamic economy.
In this context, Beijing has carefully shaped a military strategy in the region, particularly in neighboring Tajikistan.
In September , Beijing offered to finance and build several outposts and other military facilities in addition to the Gulhan post, which was opened in to beef up Tajikistan's defense capabilities along its border with Afghanistan, whereas China's and Tajikistan's militaries performed a large counter-terrorism exercise in October These unexpected actions have raised concerns in Russia over rising Chinese influence in Tajikistan. On December 17, , a shootout in central Grozny between members of the terrorist organization known as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria ISIS and local security forces claimed the lives of three militants and one police officer.
On December 18, a counter-terrorist operation CTO launched in the aftermath resulted in the death of four more insurgents, whereas four remaining members of a militant cell were arrested. Three police officers were killed and one injured. While the confrontation between militants and police in Grozny was only the fourth conflict-related incident in the republic during , it demonstrates that ISIS still has the capacity to target Chechen security forces. Recent evidence shows a gradual increase in Chinese military activity in Central Asia, particularly with Tajikistan, Afghanistan, and Pakistan, although China has for years denied any military interest in the region.
In October, PLA and Tajik forces jointly participated in counterterrorism exercises in Tajikistan near the border with Afghanistan, following earlier activity in Whereas Tajikistan was then silent, this time it publicized the exercises, which aroused a visible anxiety in the Russian media although the Russian government has hitherto been unwilling to comment on this issue.
The Prime Minister and acting Interim President Shavkat Mirziyoev became president-elect by defeating three competitors in a highly asymmetric campaign characterized by the utilization of so-called administrative resources. The campaign also revealed rising new expectations on the part of the Uzbek nation after a quarter-century of one-person rule.
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Uzbekistan — a downstream country — has permanently and vigorously rejected and resisted the project referring to numerous risks associated with Rogun for all downstream countries. But Moscow does not make this mistake. From the beginning, Moscow has highlighted its access to the Caucasus through overflight rights and deployment of its forces in regard to Syria, e. In the years since independence, bilateral relations have been plagued by mistrust, disputes over water resources and outright hostility. Both sides have adopted a series of punitive measures against each other.
This relatively low-scale increase in military confrontations between militants and security forces in the region nonetheless indicates a steady recovery of non-ISIS Islamist cells, which have been in decline since the emergence of ISIS in the region. The prospect of gas deliveries from Turkmenistan to European markets is disconcerting for Moscow, which regards the monopolization of gas supply to Europe as one of its major geopolitical and geoeconomic goals. The North Caucasus insurgency has weakened dramatically in recent years.